Tag Archives: Inequality

Giving children a better start

Child of our Time Editor, Yvonne Kelly will today be discussing why poorer children are more likely to be obese than their better off peers at a Big Lottery Fund event looking at how to give young children a better start in life.

She will be sharing recent research from the team at the ESRC International Centre for Lifecourse Studies at UCL looking at patterns of obesity in  young children using data from the Millennium Cohort Study.

The research finds that children from poorer backgrounds are the most likely to be obese and that the inequalities between richer and poorer children increase over time (between the ages of 5 and 11).

The research also identifies a number of other important factors associated with childhood obesity including smoking during pregnancy, mother’s obesity, skipping breakfast and irregular bedtimes.

The event, A Better Start ‘Focus on Diet and Nutrition is part of a programme of evaluation of the Lottery Funded ‘A Better Start’ initiative which aims to improve the life chances of babies and very young children by delivering a significant increase in the use of preventative approaches in pregnancy and first three years of life.

Yvonne is one of a group of experts and innovators in the field of child health and development to be invited to participate in the first of the initiative’s Learning and Development events. Other speakers include Eustace de Sousa, the lead for children, young people and families at Public Health England and Michael Hallsworth, director for Health at the Government’s Behavioural Insights Team, Chris Cuthbert, Director of the Big Lottery Development Fund and Celia Supiah, CEO of the charity Parents 1st.

Changing behaviour and mixed ethnicity

The number of mixed ethnicity children born in the UK is growing. Research to date has shown that coming from a mixed ethnicity as opposed to a non mixed background has no impact on the likelihood of a child having behaviour problems. But a new report from a team at the ESRC International Centre for Lifecourse Studies at UCL and just published in the Archives of Disease in Childhood journal, tells a different story, as its lead author Afshin Zilanawala explains.

It’s known that children from an ethnic minority background in the UK tend to have poorer health and to be disadvantaged in a range of other ways, but there has been hardly any research on children of mixed ethnicity, particularly when it comes to looking at their behaviour.

What little research has been done has been constrained by a lack of data and the need to look at broad or ‘catch-all’ ethnic groups in order to have sufficient numbers to examine.

Behaviour problems and poor outcomes

Given that children’s behaviour problems have been linked to poor academic achievement and lower levels of wellbeing in adult life, it’s important to try to get to grips with the sorts of things that might influence that early behaviour.

One study that looked at mixed ethnic differences in the behaviour problems of 3 year-olds found no link. A London study looking at mixed Black Caribbean/White 11-13 year-olds found no differences between them and their White peers.

Both studies looked at the children at a point in time, so there was no chance to look at any changes in behaviour over time. But our research shows something quite different.

Using the Millennium Cohort Study, we were able to look at a group of more than 16,000 children’s behaviour from when they were 3 through till when they had turned 11 years-old.

A range of questions about peer problems, challenging behaviour, hyperactivity and emotional problems were answered by the main respondent (usually the child’s mother) and from those responses, we were able to create an overall score (TDS) to represent the level of behavioural problems the child exhibited.

Mixed ethnicity and behaviour

Interestingly, at age 3, most mixed ethnicity children had fewer problem behaviours compared with their non mixed counterparts. White mixed, Indian mixed, Pakistani mixed and Bangladeshi mixed had fewer problems than their non mixed peers.

There was no difference, however, between mixed Black Caribbean children and their non mixed counterparts and the differences for Black African mixed and non mixed children were very small.

COOT-mixedage3

White mixed, Pakistani mixed, and Bangladeshi mixed children experienced increases in problem behaviours compared with their non-mixed counterparts, notably after age 7.

By age 11, White mixed, Indian mixed and Black African mixed children had fewer problems than non mixed, but Pakistani mixed, Bangladeshi mixed and Black Caribbean mixed children have more problems than children from a non mixed background.

Coot-mixed11Identity crisis as children get older?

What do we make of all this? As our mixed ethnicity children get older, is there some sort of identity crisis, both social and personal that is triggering a change in behavior? The behavior problems of the mixed 11 year-old children in our study could reflect children’s struggle to reconcile their families’ heritage and culture and their personal identity formation.

As children spend more time in school, they are less influenced by their home environments and have more interactions with peers and friends, all of which could be playing a role in the behavioral difficulties some mixed ethnicity children are experiencing.

The fact that mixed relationships are more common among Black Caribbeans compared with Pakistanis and Bangladeshis could explain why there are no behaviour differences between Black Caribbean mixed and non mixed children, whilst differences do exist between the mixed and non mixed South Asian groups.

In other words, it could be that there is less strain and anxiety in mixed partnerships when those types of interethnic relationships are more common.

It would be interesting to dig further into all of this by taking into consideration school, psychosocial and socio-demographic factors, all of which could be at play here.

Mixed ethnicity and behavioural problems in the Millennium Cohort Study is research by Afshin Zilanawala, Amanda Sacker and Yvonne Kelly. It is published in Archives of Childhood Disease.

Racism, mixed race and child health

Child of Our Time Editor, Professor Yvonne Kelly has been outlining the impacts of racism on the health and development of children in her keynote talk at a workshop hosted by the Institute for Economic Analysis of Decision Making.

Professor Kelly, who is based at the ESRC International Centre for Lifecourse Studies at UCL, has led a major programme of research looking at the role that ethnicity plays in disparities in child health and behaviour and she and her team have published a range of research from the project.

In today’s talk, she shared some of the key findings from the research around the different outcomes for children from various ethnic backgrounds, including their:

  • birthweight
  • physical development
  • obesity
  • early onset of puberty
  • mother and teacher reports of challenging behaviour
  • verbal skills

The talk also covered the frequency of racist attacks on different groups and their impact on children’s physical and mental health. Brand new research focusing specifically on mixed ethnicity children and their behaviour was also included.

Professor Kelly commented:

“Our research shows clearly that direct and indirect experiences of racism can negatively influence a child’s development and health – whether it be via their access to resources tor the increased likelihood that they will take up unhealthy behaviours.”

She added:

“It’s never too late to prevent disease in childhood or later years. Our research shows that racism is a key consideration for all those seeking to achieve that; policy makers, practitioners and the wider public alike.”

 

 

Why poorer children are at greater risk of obesity

Obesity may be the biggest public health crisis facing the UK today. Levels have risen more than three fold since 1980. Being obese makes you vulnerable to a range of health risks. Being an overweight child makes it more likely you will become an obese adult. And you are much more likely to be an overweight child, if you come from a poor family. If current trends continue, half the population of Britain could be obese by 2050. Early intervention is the most effective way to break this cycle. And that requires a better understanding of why children become overweight. A new study by a team at the ESRC funded International Centre for Lifecourse Studies in Society and Health at UCL and LSE makes clear the scale of the problem and points to some crucial factors likely to lead less-well-off children to gain excess weight, as co-author Professor Yvonne Kelly explains.

A link between poverty and childhood obesity has been found in many developed countries. Intuitively, it seems likely this link is the result of poorer parents not being able to afford healthier food, like fruit, or outings involving exercise for their children. It could also be that those parents know less about healthy lifestyles and that they themselves eat less healthily and exercise less. But intuition is an insufficient basis for the scale of intervention required. This study is the first attempt to examine and compare in detail why children in poorer families are more likely to be overweight.

Our data comes from the Millennium Cohort Study (MCS). This tracks nearly 20,000 families from across the UK. We used measurements made when the children were aged 5 (when just entering primary school) and 11 (the point at which they leave primary school and are on the cusp of adolescence). We used standard definitions for ‘obese’ and ‘overweight’.

‘Stark’ link between poverty and obesity

The first thing we found was that the link between relative poverty and childhood obesity is stark. At age 5, poor children were almost twice as likely to be obese compared with their better off peers (6.6% of children from families in the poorest fifth of the sample were obese while the figure for the richest fifth is just 3.5%). By the age of 11, the gap has widened- nearly tripling (7.9% of the poorest fifth are obese; for the best-off, the figure is 2.9%).

Given that obesity is linked to the development of numerous chronic diseases and that there is evidence overweight and obese children are less likely to grow into economically and socially successful adults, this is a significant burden to be borne by the children of the less-well-off. And unless we can weaken the link our chances of reversing the overall obesity trend are much reduced.

Potential causes of that link

The MCS collects a broad range of data, allowing us to dig beneath these headline numbers to identify some of the specific ways in which relative poverty in childhood leads to an increased risk of obesity.

To measure the degree to which the mother followed a healthy life-style we looked at factors previously shown to be linked to the increased risk of obesity, such as whether the mother smoked during pregnancy, how long she breastfed for and whether the child was introduced to solid food before the age of four months.

We could also factor in the degree to which the mother was herself overweight or obese. To assess the impact of physical behaviour, we compared the frequency of sport or exercise, active play with a parent, hours spent watching TV or playing on a computer, journeys by bike and the time that children went to bed. We compared dietary habits via data on whether the child skipped breakfast and on fruit and sweet drink consumption.

Multiple factors

What we found was that a lot of these factors were relevant. Maternal behaviour in early childhood was certainly important. Markers of ‘unhealthy’ lifestyle here could mean as much as a 20% additional risk of obesity for a child. Measures of physical activity and diet were also relevant at both 5 and 11 years of age, as were early bedtimes and fewer hours in front of the TV or games console. Skipping breakfast and eating more fruit were factors at 5 but less significant at 11. Doing sport more frequently played a more important and protective role at age 11 than at age 5.

Further examination of the differences between the children aged 5 and aged 11 revealed that poorer children aged 5 were much more likely to gain excess weight up to age 11 than richer children. The earlier certain lifestyle factors can be challenged, therefore, the greater the chance of positive impact.

Multiple responses

Assuming that income inequality is not going to disappear, we can only tackle ‘inherited’ obesity via the lifestyle choices that tend to go with lower incomes. Early intervention with mothers clearly has huge potential. And evidence from our work suggests that this should start before birth or even conception. It is clear, too, that campaigns to encourage family physical activity and healthier diets would help.

The Government is already trying to persuade families to eat more healthily and take more exercise. But these efforts are widely targeted and their effectiveness only broadly assessed. Our analysis has already suggested better targeting. More research should be undertaken to narrow the aim and increase effectiveness still further.

Why are poorer children at higher risk of obesity and overweight? A UK cohort study is research by Alice Goisis, Amanda Sacker and Yvonne Kelly and is published in the European Journal of Public Health.

Photo credit: Playing on the computer,  John Watson

 

 

Reporting children’s challenging behaviour

When it comes to dealing with children’s problem behaviour, do parents and teachers report the same things in the same way and is that linked in some way to the child’s race or ethnicity ? That’s the focus of a recent study by a cross Atlantic team of researchers from the University of Michigan and University College London. Professor Pamela Davis-Kean from the  University of Michigan talked to Child of our Time about the research.

Reports of Externalizing Behavior: Comparative Analyses between the UK and US is research by Rebecca Waller, Afshin Zilanawala, Sheryl Olson, Amanda Sacker, Meichu Chen, Sharon Simonton,  James Nazroo, Yvonne Kelly, James S. Jackson, Pamela Davis-Kean.

Photo credit: helpingting

 

Can racism towards a mum hurt her children?

Racial discrimination affects people in a range of ways. We know, for instance, that it can lead to poor health. We know, too, that our lives are linked, particularly with those of family members. So, can racism suffered by a parent affect a child? Are the negative effects of social ills transmitted within families? If so, how? And how might we be able to break negative links? A new study reveals some interesting patterns and possible explanations, as Dr Laia Becares from the University of Manchester, explains:

Understanding how our lives are linked is an essential part of understanding how society works. We know that racial discrimination affects the health and life chances of an individual, and it leads to inequalities in health among ethnic minority people, compared to the White majority population.

We know, too, that racial discrimination experienced by one individual impacts not only on that particular person, but on family members of the same generation, and those of previous and future generations. For example, if someone is discriminated against at work in terms of a promotion to a better position, or even in terms of getting hired, this has clear important financial consequences for that person, but also for her/his children, and older family members who may be under their care.

This is one of the ways in which the harm of racial discrimination is perpetuated across generations. Socioeconomic circumstances are strongly linked to health, so this example also shows how racial discrimination leads to poor health indirectly – via socioeconomic inequalities.

Racism and our health

But what about the direct association between racial discrimination and poor health, and the way this harm is transmitted across generations?

The Millennium Cohort Study (MCS), a representative study of children born in the UK between September 2000 and January 2002, offers a quality and quantity of data that, with the right interrogation, offers some important suggestions.

To ask the right questions of the data we needed a hypothesis. Drawing on well-established literature, we chose to focus on two potential mechanisms of transmission.

First we looked at the possible impact of racial discrimination on a mother’s mental health and then at the possible impact on parenting practice, particularly the possibility of it increasing harsh discipline tactics. These two mechanisms are centred on increased stress experienced by the mother following experiences of racial discrimination.

We also looked at three different types of exposure to racial discrimination – that suffered by the mother, that suffered by the family as a whole and that affecting the whole neighbourhood.

Information about the MCS children has been collected at various points since the start of the study. We used data collected when the children were between five and eleven years old.

Measuring discrimination

Racial discrimination was measured in terms of the mother’s experience of racially motivated insults, disrespectful treatment, or unfair treatment. We also used measures of whether family members had been treated unfairly, and whether the family lived in a neighbourhood where racial insults or attacks were common.

Mental health was assessed using the Kessler-6 scale – a well-established scale based on how often an individual has felt such things as depression and nervousness over the past month.

We measured harsh parenting practices by using records of how often parents had smacked or shouted at their children. And we measured the child’s socioemotional development by using another well-established scale – the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire developed by Robert Goodman and others.

We adjusted for complicating factors such as mother’s age at time of birth, mother’s educational attainment, household income, whether the mom was born in the UK, and the language most often spoken in the home.

For each factor we used data gathered at relevant stages. So, the measure of racial discrimination is based on data collected when the children were five years old, the mother’s mental health and parenting practices when the children were seven years old and the outcome when the children were aged eleven. The sample was pooled from all UK ethnic minority groups.

Racism and mental health

Around the time of the child’s fifth birthday almost a quarter (23%) of ethnic minority mothers reported having been racially insulted. There was a strong association with less good mental health for the mother two years later.

Both increased maternal psychological distress and increased harsh parenting practices were associated with increased socioemotional difficulties for the child at age 11. A worsening of the mother’s mental health had the most consistent indirect effect on a child’s socioemotional difficulties six years later.

Our results also showed some direct effects of racial discrimination on children. Family experiences of unfair treatment all had a direct effect on a child’s later socioemotional development.

We have to acknowledge some limitations of the study. We restricted ourselves to discrimination faced by mothers and its consequences. There are other things going on in families that affect children’s health. Plus ethnic minority children are likely to experience discrimination directly at school. And, of course, ethnic minority families are more likely to live in deprived areas and to suffer from other social inequalities.

Damage over time underestimated

The study does, however, offer strong support to our hypothesis that a mother’s experience of racial insults, of being treated disrespectfully by shop staff and broader family experience of unfair treatment, harms children over time as a result of the mother’s worsening mental health. This has been underestimated in the past.

If we are to break cycles of deprivation and begin to redress the imbalances in health between the majority and minority populations, policy-makers would do well to put more emphasis on mothers’ mental health.

Whatever is done to reduce a child’s direct experience of racial discrimination – at school, for instance – the mother’s experience and its effect on her is now shown to be important factor in the health of ethnic minority children. That said, the main implication of this study is that racial discrimination is harmful to individuals, families, and societies, and so efforts should be targeted at eliminating it.

A longitudinal examination of maternal, family, and area-level experiences of racism on children’s socioemotional development: Patterns and possible explanations is research by Dr Laia Becares, Professor James Nazroo and Professor Yvonne Kelly and is published in Social Science and Medicine.

Photo credit: moinuddin forhad

Stereotyped at 7?

Children from lower income families are less likely to be judged ‘above average’ by their teachers, even when they perform as well as other pupils on independent cognitive assessments, according to a new study. Researcher Tammy Campbell from the UCL Institute of Education talks to the Child of our Time Podcast Series about how teachers may be unconsciously stereotyping their pupils.

Stereotyped at seven? Biases in teachers’ judgements of pupils’ ability and attainment’ by Tammy Campbell is available on Cambridge Journals Online as an article in the Journal of Social Policy July 2015 issue.

Photo credit: woodleywonderworks

Ethnicity, birthweight and growth in early childhood

Birthweight varies according to ethnic group but height at the age of five does not. Why might that be? Does it tell us anything about the lives of second and third generation immigrants? And does it offer any useful guidance to health professionals hoping to target disadvantaged groups? Professor Yvonne Kelly outlines recent research with colleagues at the ESRC International Centre for Lifecourse Studies looking at differences in birthweight and early growth between ethnic groups.

Birthweight is important. There is a large body of work that suggests links between low birthweight and the development of chronic disease. Height at the age of five is a less straightforward indicator but still an important measure. The relationship between the two is important as well. Rapid post-natal growth may also have a role in later disease risk, and any correlation may tell us something about the lives of people born in the UK to parents born elsewhere.

Earlier research shows that babies born to South Asian and Black mothers weigh up to 300g less than those with White mothers. They are also up to two and a half times more likely than their White counterparts to have low birthweight.

Our study made use of the rich information available in the Millennium Cohort Study and enabled us to drill down further into ethnic differences. We were able to look at White, Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Black Caribbean and Black African groups.

These, of course, are groups that have very different migration histories. The Black Caribbeans and Indians mainly migrated to the UK in the 1950s and 1960s. The Pakistanis arrived in the 1960s and 1970s, the Bangladeshis in the 1980s and the Black Africans in the 1990s.

Social v biological

If you accept that ethnicity is a social not a biological construct, these variations must be the result of factors that are not intrinsic to the group but tend to go with membership. Relevant factors are likely to be either socioeconomic or maternal.

So, if one group tends to have higher incomes and higher levels of educational attainment, it is likely to have fewer babies with low birthweight. Similarly, if mothers within one group are less likely to smoke they too are likely to have heavier babies.

Because our research compared data on birthweight to those on ethnicity, socioeconomic status and maternal characteristics, it was possible to identify which were most closely associated.

The results suggest that socioeconomic factors are important in explaining birthweight differences in Black Caribbean, Black African, Bangladeshi and Pakistani infants. Maternal characteristics are important in explaining birthweight differences in Indian and Bangladeshi groups. Clearly, both must operate to some extent in all cases.

Our study identifies the dominant factor for each ethnic group and recommends policy-makers pay attention to the different socioeconomic and culturally related profiles of ethnic minority groups when devising policies aimed at reducing inequalities in birthweight.

A question of height

One key maternal characteristic identified was height. Mothers from the Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi groups were on average 8cm shorter than White mothers. We speculate that it might take several generations for individuals within ethnic groups to reach their height potential.

And it could be that increases in maternal height do not happen so much for the first couple of migrant generations due to the ‘accumulated effects of disadvantage, including racism, discrimination and poverty that are disproportionately experienced by migrants’. That idea was put to the test in a second study also using MCS data.

The primary aim of this research was to investigate ethnic differences in height at 5 years of age. The same ethnic groups were used. Again, the sample was large and broadly representative of the whole UK.

Playing catch up

In contrast to the findings on birthweight, Indian, Pakistani, Black Caribbean and Black African children were taller than White children at age 5. Bangladeshi children were the same as White children. Birthweight was not entirely irrelevant. It was a weak to moderate predictor of height in White, Pakistani, Bangladeshi and African children.

All the measured variables favoured the White group over all ethnic minorities. This is consistent with the suggestion floated towards the end of the first study that what is happening is that a generation is ‘catching up’, earlier generations having been previously thwarted by such factors as poor nutrition in underdeveloped home countries.

Saying that, catch-up growth is likely to explain only a part of the ethnic height differences identified and further research is important here. It is also important to note that taller children are more inclined to obesity and so the height advantage of ethnic minority children might not translate into a health advantage in adulthood.

The links between ethnicity, birthweight and height in childhood are not, then, straightforward or by any means fully understood. It is clear that outcomes associated with different groups are the result of social and not biological characteristics.

The length of time a group has been established in the UK also appears to play a part with at least some suggestion of a generational ‘catch-up’ effect. Though there may be plenty of inequality left to address, that does at least suggest things are moving in the right direction.

Further information

Why does birthweight vary among ethnic groups in the UK? Findings from the Millennium Cohort Study is research by Yvonne Kelly, Lidia Panico, Mel Bartley, Michael Marmot, James Nazroo and Amanda Sacker and is published in the Journal of Public Health.

Ethnic differences in growth in early childhood: an investigation of two potential mechanisms is research by Amanda Sacker and Yvonne Kelly and is published in the European Journal of Public Health.

Photo credit: moinuddin forhad

[1] Ethnic differences in growth in early childhood: an investigation of two potential mechanisms. A. Sacker, Y. Kelly

Breastfeeding and ethnicity

Helping more mothers breastfeed is a policy goal shared by many governments. Advocates argue that breastfeeding has a positive impact on a child’s physical, cognitive and behavioural development. Because of overlaps with other factors such as a mother’s social class or education, it is hard to measure precisely the degree to which breastfeeding alone benefits a child, but most policy-makers accept there is a benefit and want to know how to encourage more mothers to start it and stick with it. The incidence of breastfeeding varies significantly between women with different ethnic backgrounds and in different ways in the UK and US. Professor Yvonne Kelly from the ESRC International Centre for Lifecourse Studies at UCL asks if there are clues here as to how best to encourage women from different backgrounds to breastfeed their children.

The UK has one of the lowest breastfeeding rates in the world, although according to the NHS Infant Feeding Survey of 2010, the proportion of babies breastfed at birth is 81%, up from 76% in 2005. At three months, the proportion of mothers breastfeeding exclusively is 17%. At six months, the figure is just 1% and that has not changed since 2005.

The same survey found that breastfeeding was most common among mothers who were: aged 30 or over, from minority ethnic groups, left education aged over 18, in managerial and professional occupations and living in the least deprived areas.

The fact that younger, less educated, less well-off women are less likely to breastfeed is not surprising. Indeed, encouraging breastfeeding is at least partly about reducing inherited disadvantage. What may be less obvious (to the majority population, at least) is that ethnicity appears also to be a significant factor.

Millennium Cohort Study

When we looked at the data in the Millennium Cohort Study, which has been tracking the lives of some 20,000 children born at that time, we saw that well over 90% of Black African and Black Caribbean mothers at least started breast feeding.

The figure was over 85% for Indian and Bangladeshi mothers, 75% for Pakistani mothers and 67% for white mothers. Even after adjusting for demographic, economic and psychosocial factors, the difference remains significant.

At three months, with a range of factors considered, Black African mothers are more than 5 times more likely than white mothers to have started and continued to breastfeed. Clearly, if we understood why Black mothers were more likely to breast feed than white mothers we might have a better understanding of how to encourage all mothers to breast feed.

US comparison

An important part of our efforts to gain a clearer picture was to look for similar patterns in similar countries. So we did a comparison with the United States, where the overall rates for breastfeeding are very similar to the UK, as are the links between breastfeeding and socioeconomic status. Not at all similar, however, are the links between ethnicity and breastfeeding.

In the US, the highest rate, according to the National Immunization Survey in 2002, was among Hispanic mothers, at 80%. 72% of white mothers initiated breastfeeding. Only 51% of non-Hispanic black mothers did. So, in the UK black mothers are the most likely to breastfeed. In the US, they are the least likely.

Why the difference, given that usually, health problems suffered disproportionately by black Caribbean people in the UK affect black Americans similarly. Is there a mistake somewhere? We consider the possibility of recall bias in light of the fact that data were collected when the children were 9 months old.

It does seem reasonable to suspect mothers might want to believe they did more breastfeeding than was actually the case. But there is no obvious reason why that bias should apply differently in the UK and US. As the study suggests, the contrasting findings in the UK and US raise important wider questions about the nature of ethnic disadvantage.

One possible answer is that differences in breastfeeding reflect strength of cultural tradition and degree of “integration”. This, of course, can vary for similar ethnic groups in different “host” communities. The important thing is not the ethnic group itself, but the relationship between it and the rest of society.

Dominant cultural practices

Our study found that those who spoke only English at home were less likely to breastfeed. That raises the concern that as incoming groups adopt dominant cultural practices, their tendency to breastfeed will reduce. Cultural factors certainly merit further investigation, given that the only thing we considered in this study was whether English was the main language spoken at home.

Black people in the UK and black people in the US have different histories and, therefore, different identities. There are differences, too, in their “host” communities. In this instance, the very different health systems could be particularly relevant. Maybe future research should concentrate on this relationship rather than the behaviour of groups defined by characteristics that appear to have only secondary significance.

Those responsible for developing and implementing policies aimed at increasing breastfeeding rates in this area would certainly be advised to pay close attention to the different social, economic and cultural profiles of all ethnic groups.

Racial/ethnic differences in breastfeeding initiation and continuation in the United kingdom and comparison with findings in the United States  is research by Yvonne Kelly, Richard Watt and James Nazroo and is published in Pediatrics, Official Journal of the American Academy of Pediatrics..

Photo credit: US Breastfeeding Committee

 

How well are the kids talking? Ethnic differences in children’s verbal abilities

How well our kids are doing is important to us all. The better they are doing early on in life, the better they’re likely to be doing further down the line as they grow into teenagers and adults. The earlier we can get to grips with any disadvantages or inequalities faced by individuals and groups of people, the sooner we can do something about it. In this research, a team from the ESRC International Centre for Lifecourse Studies has been looking at young children’s verbal abilities to see if there are any differences between different ethnic groups in how they are getting on with talking.

Ethnic differences in longitudinal latent verbal profiles in the millennium cohort study is research by Afshin Zilanawala, Yvonne Kelly and Amanda Sacker and is published in the European Journal of Public Health.

Photo credit: U.S. Embassy Pakistan